[Carfreeliving] Car lighter....

Jason Henderson jhenders at sbcglobal.net
Tue Mar 29 19:13:46 MST 2005


There is an essay along these lines in the recent issue of Rolling Stone.
-jh

*The Long Emergency *

*    By James Howard Kunstler *

*    The Rolling Stone *

*    **Thursday 24 March 2005** *

What's going to happen as we start running out of cheap gas to guzzle?

    A few weeks ago, the price of oil ratcheted above fifty-five dollars a 

barrel, which is about twenty dollars a barrel more than a year ago. The 

next day, the oil story was buried on page six of the New York Times 

business section. Apparently, the price of oil is not considered 

significant news, even when it goes up five bucks a barrel in the span of 

ten days. That same day, the stock market shot up more than a hundred 

points because, CNN said, government data showed no signs of inflation. 

Note to clueless nation: Call planet Earth. 

    Carl Jung, one of the fathers of psychology, famously remarked that 

"people cannot stand too much reality." What you're about to read may 

challenge your assumptions about the kind of world we live in, and 

especially the kind of world into which events are propelling us. We are 

in for a rough ride through uncharted territory. 

    It has been very hard for Americans - lost in dark raptures of nonstop 

infotainment, recreational shopping and compulsive motoring - to make 

sense of the gathering forces that will fundamentally alter the terms of 

everyday life in our technological society. Even after the terrorist 

attacks of 9/11, America is still sleepwalking into the future. I call 

this coming time the Long Emergency. 

    Most immediately we face the end of the cheap-fossil-fuel era. It is 

no exaggeration to state that reliable supplies of cheap oil and natural 

gas underlie everything we identify as the necessities of modern life - 

not to mention all of its comforts and luxuries: central heating, air 

conditioning, cars, airplanes, electric lights, inexpensive clothing, 

recorded music, movies, hip-replacement surgery, national defense - you 

name it. 

    The few Americans who are even aware that there is a gathering 

global-energy predicament usually misunderstand the core of the argument. 

That argument states that we don't have to run out of oil to start having 

severe problems with industrial civilization and its dependent systems. We 

only have to slip over the all-time production peak and begin a slide down 

the arc of steady depletion. 

    The term "global oil-production peak" means that a turning point will 

come when the world produces the most oil it will ever produce in a given 

year and, after that, yearly production will inexorably decline. It is 

usually represented graphically in a bell curve. The peak is the top of 

the curve, the halfway point of the world's all-time total endowment, 

meaning half the world's oil will be left. That seems like a lot of oil, 

and it is, but there's a big catch: It's the half that is much more 

difficult to extract, far more costly to get, of much poorer quality and 

located mostly in places where the people hate us. A substantial amount of 

it will never be extracted. 

    The United States passed its own oil peak - about 11 million barrels a 

day - in 1970, and since then production has dropped steadily. In 2004 it 

ran just above 5 million barrels a day (we get a tad more from natural-gas 

condensates). Yet we consume roughly 20 million barrels a day now. That 

means we have to import about two-thirds of our oil, and the ratio will 

continue to worsen. 

    The US peak in 1970 brought on a portentous change in geoeconomic 

power. Within a few years, foreign producers, chiefly OPEC, were setting 

the price of oil, and this in turn led to the oil crises of the 1970s. In 

response, frantic development of non-OPEC oil, especially the North Sea 

fields of England and Norway, essentially saved the West's ass for about 

two decades. Since 1999, these fields have entered depletion. Meanwhile, 

worldwide discovery of new oil has steadily declined to insignificant 

levels in 2003 and 2004. 

    Some "cornucopians" claim that the Earth has something like a creamy 

nougat center of "abiotic" oil that will naturally replenish the great oil 

fields of the world. The facts speak differently. There has been no 

replacement whatsoever of oil already extracted from the fields of America 

or any other place. 

    Now we are faced with the global oil-production peak. The best 

estimates of when this will actually happen have been somewhere between 

now and 2010. In 2004, however, after demand from burgeoning China and 

India shot up, and revelations that Shell Oil wildly misstated its 

reserves, and Saudi Arabia proved incapable of goosing up its production 

despite promises to do so, the most knowledgeable experts revised their 

predictions and now concur that 2005 is apt to be the year of all-time 

global peak production. 

    It will change everything about how we live. 

    To aggravate matters, American natural-gas production is also 

declining, at five percent a year, despite frenetic new drilling, and with 

the potential of much steeper declines ahead. Because of the oil crises of 

the 1970s, the nuclear-plant disasters at Three Mile Island and Chernobyl 

and the acid-rain problem, the US chose to make gas its first choice for 

electric-power generation. The result was that just about every power 

plant built after 1980 has to run on gas. Half the homes in America are 

heated with gas. To further complicate matters, gas isn't easy to import. 

Here in North America, it is distributed through a vast pipeline network. 

Gas imported from overseas would have to be compressed at minus-260 

degrees Fahrenheit in pressurized tanker ships and unloaded (re-gasified) 

at special terminals, of which few exist in America. Moreover, the first 

attempts to site new terminals have met furious opposition because they 

are such ripe targets for terrorism. 

    Some other things about the global energy predicament are poorly 

understood by the public and even our leaders. This is going to be a 

permanent energy crisis, and these energy problems will synergize with the 

disruptions of climate change, epidemic disease and population overshoot 

to produce higher orders of trouble. 

    We will have to accommodate ourselves to fundamentally changed 

conditions. 

    No combination of alternative fuels will allow us to run American life 

the way we have been used to running it, or even a substantial fraction of 

it. The wonders of steady technological progress achieved through the 

reign of cheap oil have lulled us into a kind of Jiminy Cricket syndrome, 

leading many Americans to believe that anything we wish for hard enough 

will come true. These days, even people who ought to know better are 

wishing ardently for a seamless transition from fossil fuels to their 

putative replacements. 

    The widely touted "hydrogen economy" is a particularly cruel hoax. We 

are not going to replace the US automobile and truck fleet with vehicles 

run on fuel cells. For one thing, the current generation of fuel cells is 

largely designed to run on hydrogen obtained from natural gas. The other 

way to get hydrogen in the quantities wished for would be electrolysis of 

water using power from hundreds of nuclear plants. Apart from the dim 

prospect of our building that many nuclear plants soon enough, there are 

also numerous severe problems with hydrogen's nature as an element that 

present forbidding obstacles to its use as a replacement for oil and gas, 

especially in storage and transport. 

    Wishful notions about rescuing our way of life with "renewables" are 

also unrealistic. Solar-electric systems and wind turbines face not only 

the enormous problem of scale but the fact that the components require 

substantial amounts of energy to manufacture and the probability that they 

can't be manufactured at all without the underlying support platform of a 

fossil-fuel economy. We will surely use solar and wind technology to 

generate some electricity for a period ahead but probably at a very local 

and small scale. 

    Virtually all "biomass" schemes for using plants to create liquid 

fuels cannot be scaled up to even a fraction of the level at which things 

are currently run. What's more, these schemes are predicated on using oil 

and gas "inputs" (fertilizers, weed-killers) to grow the biomass crops 

that would be converted into ethanol or bio-diesel fuels. This is a net 

energy loser - you might as well just burn the inputs and not bother with 

the biomass products. Proposals to distill trash and waste into oil by 

means of thermal depolymerization depend on the huge waste stream produced 

by a cheap oil and gas economy in the first place. 

    Coal is far less versatile than oil and gas, extant in less abundant 

supplies than many people assume and fraught with huge ecological 

drawbacks - as a contributor to greenhouse "global warming" gases and many 

health and toxicity issues ranging from widespread mercury poisoning to 

acid rain. You can make synthetic oil from coal, but the only time this 

was tried on a large scale was by the Nazis under wartime conditions, 

using impressive amounts of slave labor. 

    If we wish to keep the lights on in America after 2020, we may indeed 

have to resort to nuclear power, with all its practical problems and 

eco-conundrums. Under optimal conditions, it could take ten years to get a 

new generation of nuclear power plants into operation, and the price may 

be beyond our means. Uranium is also a resource in finite supply. We are 

no closer to the more difficult project of atomic fusion, by the way, than 

we were in the 1970s. 

    The upshot of all this is that we are entering a historical period of 

potentially great instability, turbulence and hardship. Obviously, 

geopolitical maneuvering around the world's richest energy regions has 

already led to war and promises more international military conflict. 

Since the Middle East contains two-thirds of the world's remaining oil 

supplies, the US has attempted desperately to stabilize the region by, in 

effect, opening a big police station in Iraq. The intent was not just to 

secure Iraq's oil but to modify and influence the behavior of neighboring 

states around the Persian Gulf, especially Iran and Saudi Arabia. The 

results have been far from entirely positive, and our future prospects in 

that part of the world are not something we can feel altogether confident 

about. 

    And then there is the issue of China, which, in 2004, became the 

world's second-greatest consumer of oil, surpassing Japan. China's surging 

industrial growth has made it increasingly dependent on the imports we are 

counting on. If China wanted to, it could easily walk into some of these 

places - the Middle East, former Soviet republics in central Asia - and 

extend its hegemony by force. Is America prepared to contest for this oil 

in an Asian land war with the Chinese army? I doubt it. Nor can the US 

military occupy regions of the Eastern Hemisphere indefinitely, or hope to 

secure either the terrain or the oil infrastructure of one distant, 

unfriendly country after another. A likely scenario is that the US could 

exhaust and bankrupt itself trying to do this, and be forced to withdraw 

back into our own hemisphere, having lost access to most of the world's 

remaining oil in the process. 

    We know that our national leaders are hardly uninformed about this 

predicament. President George W. Bush has been briefed on the dangers of 

the oil-peak situation as long ago as before the 2000 election and 

repeatedly since then. In March, the Department of Energy released a 

report that officially acknowledges for the first time that peak oil is 

for real and states plainly that "the world has never faced a problem like 

this. Without massive mitigation more than a decade before the fact, the 

problem will be pervasive and will not be temporary." 

    Most of all, the Long Emergency will require us to make other 

arrangements for the way we live in the United States. America is in a 

special predicament due to a set of unfortunate choices we made as a 

society in the twentieth century. Perhaps the worst was to let our towns 

and cities rot away and to replace them with suburbia, which had the 

additional side effect of trashing a lot of the best farmland in America. 

Suburbia will come to be regarded as the greatest misallocation of 

resources in the history of the world. It has a tragic destiny. The 

psychology of previous investment suggests that we will defend our 

drive-in utopia long after it has become a terrible liability. 

    Before long, the suburbs will fail us in practical terms. We made the 

ongoing development of housing subdivisions, highway strips, fried-food 

shacks and shopping malls the basis of our economy, and when we have to 

stop making more of those things, the bottom will fall out. 

    The circumstances of the Long Emergency will require us to downscale 

and re-scale virtually everything we do and how we do it, from the kind of 

communities we physically inhabit to the way we grow our food to the way 

we work and trade the products of our work. Our lives will become 

profoundly and intensely local. Daily life will be far less about mobility 

and much more about staying where you are. Anything organized on the large 

scale, whether it is government or a corporate business enterprise such as 

Wal-Mart, will wither as the cheap energy props that support bigness fall 

away. The turbulence of the Long Emergency will produce a lot of economic 

losers, and many of these will be members of an angry and aggrieved former 

middle class. 

    Food production is going to be an enormous problem in the Long 

Emergency. As industrial agriculture fails due to a scarcity of oil- and 

gas-based inputs, we will certainly have to grow more of our food closer 

to where we live, and do it on a smaller scale. The American economy of 

the mid-twenty-first century may actually center on agriculture, not 

information, not high tech, not "services" like real estate sales or 

hawking cheeseburgers to tourists. Farming. This is no doubt a startling, 

radical idea, and it raises extremely difficult questions about the 

reallocation of land and the nature of work. The relentless subdividing of 

land in the late twentieth century has destroyed the contiguity and 

integrity of the rural landscape in most places. The process of 

readjustment is apt to be disorderly and improvisational. Food production 

will necessarily be much more labor-intensive than it has been for 

decades. We can anticipate the re-formation of a native-born American 

farm-laboring class. It will be composed largely of the aforementioned 

economic losers who had to relinquish their grip on the American dream. 

These masses of disentitled people may enter into quasi-feudal social 

relations with those who own land in exchange for food and physical 

security. But their sense of grievance will remain fresh, and if 

mistreated they may simply seize that land. 

    The way that commerce is currently organized in America will not 

survive far into the Long Emergency. Wal-Mart's "warehouse on wheels" 

won't be such a bargain in a non-cheap-oil economy. The national chain 

stores' 12,000-mile manufacturing supply lines could easily be interrupted 

by military contests over oil and by internal conflict in the nations that 

have been supplying us with ultra-cheap manufactured goods, because they, 

too, will be struggling with similar issues of energy famine and all the 

disorders that go with it. 

    As these things occur, America will have to make other arrangements 

for the manufacture, distribution and sale of ordinary goods. They will 

probably be made on a "cottage industry" basis rather than the factory 

system we once had, since the scale of available energy will be much lower 

- and we are not going to replay the twentieth century. Tens of thousands 

of the common products we enjoy today, from paints to pharmaceuticals, are 

made out of oil. They will become increasingly scarce or unavailable. The 

selling of things will have to be reorganized at the local scale. It will 

have to be based on moving merchandise shorter distances. It is almost 

certain to result in higher costs for the things we buy and far fewer 

choices. 

    The automobile will be a diminished presence in our lives, to say the 

least. With gasoline in short supply, not to mention tax revenue, our 

roads will surely suffer. The interstate highway system is more delicate 

than the public realizes. If the "level of service" (as traffic engineers 

call it) is not maintained to the highest degree, problems multiply and 

escalate quickly. The system does not tolerate partial failure. The 

interstates are either in excellent condition, or they quickly fall apart. 

 

    America today has a railroad system that the Bulgarians would be 

ashamed of. Neither of the two major presidential candidates in 2004 

mentioned railroads, but if we don't refurbish our rail system, then there 

may be no long-range travel or transport of goods at all a few decades 

from now. The commercial aviation industry, already on its knees 

financially, is likely to vanish. The sheer cost of maintaining gigantic 

airports may not justify the operation of a much-reduced air-travel fleet. 

Railroads are far more energy efficient than cars, trucks or airplanes, 

and they can be run on anything from wood to electricity. The rail-bed 

infrastructure is also far more economical to maintain than our highway 

network. 

    The successful regions in the twenty-first century will be the ones 

surrounded by viable farming hinterlands that can reconstitute locally 

sustainable economies on an armature of civic cohesion. Small towns and 

smaller cities have better prospects than the big cities, which will 

probably have to contract substantially. The process will be painful and 

tumultuous. In many American cities, such as Cleveland, Detroit and St. 

Louis, that process is already well advanced. Others have further to fall. 

New York and Chicago face extraordinary difficulties, being oversupplied 

with gigantic buildings out of scale with the reality of declining energy 

supplies. Their former agricultural hinterlands have long been paved over. 

They will be encysted in a surrounding fabric of necrotic suburbia that 

will only amplify and reinforce the cities' problems. Still, our cities 

occupy important sites. Some kind of urban entities will exist where they 

are in the future, but probably not the colossi of twentieth-century 

industrialism. 

    Some regions of the country will do better than others in the Long 

Emergency. The Southwest will suffer in proportion to the degree that it 

prospered during the cheap-oil blowout of the late twentieth century. I 

predict that Sunbelt states like Arizona and Nevada will become 

significantly depopulated, since the region will be short of water as well 

as gasoline and natural gas. Imagine Phoenix without cheap air 

conditioning. 

    I'm not optimistic about the Southeast, either, for different reasons. 

I think it will be subject to substantial levels of violence as the 

grievances of the formerly middle class boil over and collide with the 

delusions of Pentecostal Christian extremism. The latent encoded behavior 

of Southern culture includes an outsized notion of individualism and the 

belief that firearms ought to be used in the defense of it. This is a poor 

recipe for civic cohesion. 

    The Mountain States and Great Plains will face an array of problems, 

from poor farming potential to water shortages to population loss. The 

Pacific Northwest, New England and the Upper Midwest have somewhat better 

prospects. I regard them as less likely to fall into lawlessness, anarchy 

or despotism and more likely to salvage the bits and pieces of our best 

social traditions and keep them in operation at some level. 

    These are daunting and even dreadful prospects. The Long Emergency is 

going to be a tremendous trauma for the human race. We will not believe 

that this is happening to us, that 200 years of modernity can be brought 

to its knees by a world-wide power shortage. The survivors will have to 

cultivate a religion of hope - that is, a deep and comprehensive belief 

that humanity is worth carrying on. If there is any positive side to stark 

changes coming our way, it may be in the benefits of close communal 

relations, of having to really work intimately (and physically) with our 

neighbors, to be part of an enterprise that really matters and to be fully 

engaged in meaningful social enactments instead of being merely 

entertained to avoid boredom. Years from now, when we hear singing at all, 

we will hear ourselves, and we will sing with our whole hearts. 

    Adapted from The Long Emergency, 2005, by James Howard Kunstler, and 

reprinted with permission of the publisher, Grove/Atlantic, Inc. 



Bert Hill wrote:

> How was it enforced in the 70's - didn't it go by license plate digit 
> or number?
> ----------------------------------------------------
>  
> This is where the faded memories of Baby Boomers come in...
> License plates were one scheme in certain localities.  Most areas 
> limited fuel filling to 5 gallons at a time; people waited long hours 
> in gas lines, carpooled, didn't drive, kept jerry cans in their trunks 
> & garages, installed illegal underground tanks, and siphoned each 
> other's gas tanks.  The national freeway speed limit was set at 55 
> MPH, and all speed limits were rigidly enforced, under threat of 
> losing federal highway funds.  Nixon and Congress played with price 
> controls.  Unfortunately, the rapidity of the shortage was such a 
> shock that everyone suffered, even city dwellers, non-drivers and 
> conservationists.  There was no system of equity for the victims of 
> the secondary effects of high fuel prices, and the nation faced 
> inflation and recession at the same time.  A number of elderly and 
> poor died because they couldn't afford to heat their homes or wait in 
> line for heating fuels in the Northeast.  Wood became a valuable 
> commodity, and there was an increase in carbon monoxide (and air 
> inversion) deaths. For the next ten years, compact cars were the best 
> sellers, and Toyota & Honda became major companies in the U.S.
>  
> We can only hope the memories of the fuel embargo are latent but 
> recoverable in the minds of enough people that we are moved more 
> towards sensible conservation, technological alternatives (sustainable 
> energy), and equity; and not repeat the actioons that led to WWII with 
> global resource imperialism in a short term effort to mollify the 
> panicked masses.
>  
> For those who haven't read it, 'Collapse' by Jared Diamond and 'Out of 
> Gas, the End of the Age of Oil' by David Goodstein are instructive.
>  
> Bert Hill
>
> ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>  
>  
>  
> /Published on Tuesday, March 29, 2005 by Reuters 
> <http://www.reuters.com/> /
> *Unlikely Bedfellows Lobby Against U.S. Gas-Guzzlers *
> *by Chris Baltimore*
>  
>
> WASHINGTON -- A group of former national security officials on Monday 
> took up the cause of weaning U.S. drivers from their oil addiction -- 
> normally the realm of environmental groups -- and asked the Bush 
> administration to spend $1 billion on lighter, more fuel-efficient 
> automobiles.
>
> Retail U.S. gasoline prices now averaging above $2 a gallon make U.S. 
> reliance on foreign suppliers like Venezuela and Saudi Arabia a 
> looming national security crisis, a group of 31 national security 
> officials said in a letter to President Bush.
>
> "This really constitutes a national security crisis in the making," 
> said letter signer Frank Gaffney, head of the Center for Security 
> Policy, a thinktank, and a former Defense Department official under 
> former President Ronald Reagan.
>
> Other signers included Robert McFarlane, Reagan's national security 
> advisor, and James Woolsey, Central Intelligence Agency director under 
> President Bill Clinton.
>
> In an uncharacteristic move, the security experts sought input from 
> groups like the Natural Resources Defense Council, which have long 
> lobbied for more fuel-efficient cars.
>
> "It's strange bedfellows but this is actually the real American 
> majority," said Nicole St. Clair, a spokeswoman for the NRDC. "It's 
> common sense."
>
> Policymakers should address rampant oil demand from gas-guzzling 
> vehicles, and stop trying to solve the problem by opening land like 
> the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to drilling, she said.
>
> The letter urged the government to encourage car makers to design 
> vehicles from lighter materials to improve mileage. It also endorsed 
> the use of "plug power" -- hybrid vehicles that can run off internal 
> batteries for short trips before switching to their 
> internal-combustion engines.
>
> The program would cost $1 billion over five years.
>
> Regulations known as Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) standards 
> require automakers to achieve an average fuel economy of 27.5 miles 
> per gallon for all passenger cars sold, and 20.7 mpg for vans, sport 
> utility vehicles and pick-up trucks. The standards have not been 
> tightened for more than a dozen years due to opposition from Detroit.
>
> The average fuel economy has steadily dropped since 1988. It was 20.8 
> mpg for all 2003 model vehicles, according to the Environmental 
> Protection Agency's annual mileage report.
>
> McFarlane told the White House that stricter mileage standards could 
> help cut U.S. crude oil imports in half.
>
> The group's recommendations gave short shrift to hydrogen-powered 
> vehicles, a Bush administration priority, because they will take 
> decades to field.
>
> U.S. drivers should not depend on foreign suppliers like Saudi Arabia 
> for security reasons, they said. Although Saudi officials say the 
> kingdom's oilfields are protected from terror attacks, McFarlane said 
> the oil installations are "extremely vulnerable from a military point 
> of view."
>
> If Saudi oil facilities are damaged, "You're not talking about $100 
> (per barrel) oil. You're talking about well beyond that," McFarlane 
> said. U.S. crude oil prices peaked on March 17 at $57.60 a barrel.
>
>  
>
> Cheryl Brinkman
> McKesson Corporation
> Sr. Product Manager
> Generic Rx
> 415-983-7501
> 415-732-2699 - fax
> cheryl.brinkman at mckesson.com <mailto:cheryl.brinkman at mckesson.com>
>
>  
>
>
>  
>
>  
>
>------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>_______________________________________________
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-- 
Jason Henderson 
San Francisco CA 
(415)-255-8136
jhenders at sbcglobal.net 

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